A young Egyptian woman, Aliaa Magda Elmahdy, is receiving what all bloggers and Internet self-publicists seek – national and international notoriety. She posted online a naked picture of herself, an attempt to make a personal statement about free speech and sexual identity in modern Muslim societies.
What would be a notable, but not uncommon, act of protest on an American college campus has ripped across Egypt and the wider Islamic world with a fury and intensity that the 20-year-old former university student could not have envisioned. Both conservative religious groups and those parties staking out a more moderate and liberal middle ground rapidly criticized her, turning her into a potent symbol of where post-Mubarak Egypt is headed.
With Egypt holding parliamentary elections Monday, Elmahdy has become an icon for political candidates and commentators. The outrage being voiced by the liberal campaigns, including the prominent April 6th Movement, demonstrates how tenuous they perceive their electoral chances. As Islamist groups capitalize on the sense of scandal that has enveloped Elmahdy, moderate groups are struggling to prevent this photograph from dominating the news cycles and drowning out their campaign messages.
The image itself, in black and white, is suitably artistic to avoid all but the most reflexive definitions of pornography. However, in Egypt, where most women wear the veil, the posting of this photograph has become the equivalent of tossing a Molotov cocktail of gender theory and feminist ideology at an unsuspecting crowd. Unlike many Western democracies, with traditions of individuals and minority groups pushing the boundaries of social and political conventions, Egypt and the other Arab Spring countries remain societies where dissent and protest are limited, fragile concepts.
Elmahdy's attempt to subvert her country's repressive culture may ultimately backfire. By claiming to be an atheist and living unmarried with her boyfriend, who has himself been convicted of unlawfully criticizing Islam, she risks being reduced to a simplistic caricature. If nervous Egyptian voters believe that so-called "freedom" will lead eventually towards an erosion of morality and decency, then they may be tempted to back conservative Islamist candidates.
Some Egyptians have voiced their support for Elmahdy, and outside of her country, she has also received many messages of thanks and support. In Egypt's erstwhile ally, Israel, a group of 40 female supporters have taken off their clothes for a group photograph, although it is worth noting that much of their modesty was preserved behind a large banner.
As the Arab Spring protesters scramble to maintain some influence over the destiny of Egypt, some are concerned that the army, which stepped in after President Hosni Mubarak's departure in February, has amassed too much power. Cairo's Tahrir Square, the symbolic heart of the Arab Spring protests, has again filled with tens of thousands of angry protesters. What followed was tear gas and rubber bullets and reports of more than 30 people dead. The military made clear that, despite Mubarak's exit, the cornerstones of his regime – the repressive Emergency Laws and the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces that enforces them – remain in place.
In response to the brutality, the interim civilian government submitted their resignations to the Supreme Council, calling into question the continued legitimacy of the military rulers. The Supreme Council quickly met with members of the Egyptian Brotherhood and similar Islamist groups to hasten the to transition to a civilian government. Despite the violence, parliamentary elections were still scheduled to begin Monday, Nov. 28, and the target date for a new presidential election is now June 2012.
Although the generals have promised to ultimately hand over power to a freely elected government, it remains unclear whether such a peaceful transition of power is actually possible. To the extent that the Egyptian Brotherhood, the largest opposition party, is successful at the polls and benefits from generalized feelings of discontent and insecurity, the generals may make a case that their continued role in government is necessary to provide stability and balance.
Public opinion in Egypt is now a significant force that cannot be dismissed out of hand. But Egypt is undergoing painful and extensive convulsions. To hope naively for "change" as the solution for all problems is shortsighted and dangerous.
Reaching a political consensus is difficult, even within the most mature and accomplished democracies. (Think of the U.S. congressional supercommittee's failure to reach a deficit-cutting deal.)
Egypt has taken its first steps down a long road of debates, negotiations and agreements that will continue for some time. Elmahdy's personal act of spirited protest is simply one voice among millions of Egyptians seeking to be heard. The difficult task of building a meaningful consensus from these disparate and contradictory voices remains ahead.